{"id":4406,"date":"2015-07-27T09:51:03","date_gmt":"2015-07-27T11:51:03","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/jurjotorres.com\/?p=4406"},"modified":"2015-07-27T09:52:46","modified_gmt":"2015-07-27T11:52:46","slug":"the-presence-of-different-cultures-in-schools-possibilities-of-dialogue-and-action","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/jurjotorres.com\/?p=4406","title":{"rendered":"The Presence of Different Cultures in Schools: Possibilities of Dialogue and Action"},"content":{"rendered":"

The Presence of Different Cultures in Schools:<\/strong><\/span><\/h2>\n

Possibilities of Dialogue and Action<\/strong><\/span><\/h2>\n

 <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Jurjo Torres Santom\u00e9<\/span><\/h3>\n

.<\/span><\/p>\n

\"Pedagogy,Pedagogy, Culture & Society. <\/span><\/h4>\n

Vol.\u00a0<\/span>4, n\u00ba. 1 (1996), pp. 25 – 41<\/h4>\n

 <\/p>\n

.<\/span><\/p>\n

ABSTRACT. This article reflects on schools as spaces for the reconstruction\u00a0<\/span>of reality. If the school is an important part of the strategy to prepare for\u00a0<\/span>critical solidarity and active democratic citizens in society, it is obvious that\u00a0<\/span>it may or may not be successful in so far as the classrooms are converted\u00a0<\/span>into a space where this same society can be submitted to revision and\u00a0<\/span>criticism and where the necessary skills are developed to perfect and\u00a0<\/span>participate in the community. It is not a place to convert the societal groups\u00a0<\/span>and cultures without power into extras of the curriculum or additional\u00a0<\/span>themes to ease our conscience as happens in many of our classrooms when\u00a0<\/span>they develop what I call the \u00abtourist curricula\u00bb. On the contrary, an\u00a0<\/span>anti-marginal education must revise and reconstruct the knowledge of each\u00a0<\/span>group and culture of the world. It is necessary to construct educational\u00a0<\/span>practices to teach students to unmask the political, historical and semiotic\u00a0<\/span>dynamics that condition their interpretations and expectations and their\u00a0<\/span>possibilities for participating in reality.<\/span><\/p>\n

The educational policies of most industrialised countries are now opting\u00a0for official curricula that stipulate obligatory cultural content, especially\u00a0those countries controlled by conservative governments or, in the case of\u00a0Spain, a social democratic government. It is curious that this is\u00a0happening at a time when, in forums of debate and reflection about\u00a0education, one of the important themes for the majority of educational\u00a0professionals is how to treat cultural diversity, antiracist and anti-sexist\u00a0school practices and the defence of minority cultures without power. \u00a0These official curricula tend to propose policies of homogenisation, the\u00a0construction and legitimation of a form of \u00abofficial knowledge\u00bb (Apple,\u00a01993), with only one vision and interpretation of reality, which principally\u00a0serves the interests of economic, political, military and cultural groups\u00a0that have power. However, these are the same governments that, at some\u00a0point in time, must admit the reality of different cultures within their\u00a0borders. For many of these governments, this recognition came during\u00a0the 1960s when an increasing number of social groups organised around\u00a0the dimension of race, gender and nationality, began to vindicate their\u00a0rights. But despite this, these governments continue to assume that the \u00a0only valid and valuable model is that of a young, Christian, middle-class,\u00a0heterosexual, slim, healthy, strong, white, male. This image is difficult to\u00a0combat unless the meaning and results of what can be called ‘new social\u00a0movements’ are revised (i.e. those movements which in the beginning\u00a0were formed around Marxist ideology, which later separated from it in\u00a0order to carry out very specific social fights). Such movements, for\u00a0example, include: ecological, pacifist and neighbourhood movements; the\u00a0defence of ethnic and religious minorities; homosexual and lesbian rights\u00a0organisations and animal protection groups.<\/p>\n

In this sense, the rapid diffusion of the philosophical positions\u00a0under the heading of ‘post-modernism’, with their emphasis on\u00a0‘difference(s)’, favour the concentration on particularisms. This becomes\u00a0so ironical that it creates an incapacity to establish relationships and\u00a0commitments between phenomena that have important similarities, such\u00a0as the problems of unequal opportunities, marginalisation and\u00a0oppression. These problems are the fruit of oppression, rooted and\u00a0supported by the interests of the most favoured social groups that\u00a0control the political, economic, cultural, religious and military spheres.\u00a0There results, in the words of Stuart Hall (1992), such a\u00a0\u00abhyperabstraction and an excess of theorization\u00bb that we forget about the\u00a0concrete and more general historical problems. We must not forget that\u00a0the fight against marginalisation and oppression can not be carried out in\u00a0the form of fragmented tasks, where each social group functioning\u00a0around important variables (gender, ethnicity, nationality, sexuality, age)\u00a0tries to solve its problems alone.<\/p>\n

The key Marxist concept of social class has become of secondary\u00a0importance even though it is the category that has coordinated the fight\u00a0against the principle forms of exploitation in discourses over justice,\u00a0social responsibility, democracy and solidarity throughout this century.\u00a0In these new social movements, hardly any interest on the part of the\u00a0working class can be observed. Sometimes, it appears as if this social\u00a0class no longer exists even though there is an increasing amount of\u00a0evidence showing the loss of working place autonomy, increased levels of\u00a0proletarianisation and a greater number of easier and shamelessly\u00a0produced dismissals.<\/p>\n

When class consciousness disappears, it is more difficult to\u00a0collaborate with immigrant and ethnic minority groups. The debate about\u00a0immigration and the marginalisation of oppressed ethnic groups needs to\u00a0be undertaken in the context of economic dynamics and within the\u00a0framework of economic exploitation, or a form of democratic racism may\u00a0be created. Democratic racists are those citizens that recognise\u00a0democratic norms for their group of ‘equals’ and exclude the rest, with\u00a0good conscience. They can be passive in the presence of racist attitudes\u00a0which take place in their environment or fall into an application of\u00a0democratic norms that favour racist behaviors. The real problems of\u00a0emigration, immigration and ethnic communities that do not accept the\u00a0established norms are not analysed. The social response is tinted with \u00a0corporatism, with obsessions for the physical defence of the territory\u00a0and ‘acquired rights’ converted into privileges. In general, it is necessary\u00a0to keep in mind that marginalisation is related to the concept of deviance.\u00a0But any norm or scale by which something or someone is measured and\u00a0analysed is always a social construction: it is elaborated in one specific\u00a0sociohistoric and geographic moment, in the bosom of one concrete\u00a0community and in accordance with the economic, cultural, political,\u00a0religious and military interests of the social groups that, in this period,\u00a0hold the reins of power.\"Charles<\/p>\n

There is an urgent need for a more holistic reconceptualisation as\u00a0well as a praxis that favours coordination and negotiation between all\u00a0groups including marginal, omitted and social collectives without power.\u00a0Concepts such as democracy, solidarity, freedom and justice cannot be\u00a0so plurally formulated that they produce antagonistic results or societies\u00a0where these values are converted into aspirations difficult to imagine and\u00a0achieve. In this sense, the dimension of social class can serve to\u00a0coordinate and negotiate the strategies of women’s groups, nationalists’\u00a0collectives, handicapped persons, gay and lesbian collectives, etc. as well\u00a0as respond to the difficult forms of marginalisation and discrimination to\u00a0which they are submitted.\u00a0What present societies need are strategies to\u00a0improve their levels of democracy and therefore, to live with differences,\u00a0<\/i>without converting it into exclusion.<\/p>\n

.<\/span><\/p>\n

Education and the Reconstruction of Reality<\/strong><\/h3>\n

The schools are not at the margin of this process. On the contrary, the\u00a0same trends and types of analysis shape educational programmes which\u00a0reinforce, legitimise, and also contradict, the results of previous\u00a0postures. Educational action is political and ethical action, in spite of the\u00a0liberal and conservative discourses that want to obliterate this\u00a0idiosyncrasy. If the school is an important part of the strategy to prepare\u00a0active, critical and democratic citizens in a society that wants to change\u00a0in a similar direction, it is obvious that it may or may not be successful in\u00a0so far as classrooms are converted into a space where this same society\u00a0can be submitted to revision and criticism and the necessary skills are\u00a0developed to perfect and participate n the community.<\/p>\n

It is not an attempt to convert the societal groups and cultures\u00a0without power into curriculum extras or additional themes to ease our\u00a0conscience as happens in many of our classrooms when they develop the\u00a0‘tourist curricula’ (Torres Santome, 1993): curricula where the\u00a0information about silent, marginal, oppressed and powerless\u00a0communities is presented in a deformed manner, with many\u00a0superficialities, centred in decontextualised anecdotes. It is a more\u00a0generalised form translated into a series of isolated lessons or topics\u00a0destined to give students contact with current realities and problems\u00a0which do not appear in the principal didactic resources and are\u00a0disconnected from the official programme of the school. The tourist\u00a0curricula are the result of working sporadically: for example, on one day treating such themes as the fight against racial prejudice and on another,\u00a0women’s oppression, the working class, pollution, war or oppressed\u00a0languages. Silenced social situations that are considered problematic in a\u00a0concrete society (oppressed ethnic groups, silent national cultures,\u00a0social class, gender and age discriminations, etc.) are analysed from\u00a0distant, strange or problematic perspectives which do not relate to every\u00a0person in the classroom. In addition, it is usually made clear to the\u00a0students that solutions do not depend upon anyone in particular and that\u00a0they are outside our reach. Often a class of problems is contemplated in a\u00a0way which emphasises our incapability to resolve them.<\/p>\n

The most frequently adopted tourist curriculum strategies include\u00a0the following:<\/p>\n

(a) trivialisation: <\/i>the study of culinary customs, folklore, way of dressing,\u00a0holiday rituals, the decoration of houses, etc. from a tourist perspective;<\/p>\n

(b) the souvenir, <\/i>or exotic treatment of information with a quantitative\u00a0present of little importance in available didactic resources;<\/p>\n

(c) disconnection: <\/i>the separation of diversity into ‘the day of …’, when\u00a0these types of social problems are considered on a specific day and\u00a0sometimes in only one subject; and<\/p>\n

(d) stereotypification: <\/i>the stereotyping of people and situations to justify\u00a0marginalisation.<\/p>\n

It is a fact that some classes of curricula are based upon distortion,\u00a0deforming or hiding the history and the origins of these communities that\u00a0are the object of marginalisation and\/or xenophobia. This is the most\u00a0perverse case of curricula treatment, since it tries to construct a history\u00a0‘made-to-suit’ and makes situations of oppression appear ‘natural’. It\u00a0explains that, if oppressed or marginal groups exist, it is due to their\u00a0genetic inferiority, to laziness, to innate badness, etc. It is also possible to\u00a0resort to explanations of marginalisation based upon the family structure\u00a0of these populations, in that they still maintain barbaric customs,\u00a0inadequate lifestyles, etc.<\/p>\n

One of the most sophisticated forms of distortion is the\u00a0‘psychologisation’ of racial and social problems, that is, attempting to\u00a0find the explanations of marginal situations based on analyses centred\u00a0upon individuals or interpersonal relations, without taking social\u00a0structures into account. In this way, not long ago, it was common to claim\u00a0that the marginalisation of black people was due to their deficient genetic\u00a0base and\/or lower intelligent quotient. In this form of distortion, the\u00a0attention is never placed upon the power structure which causes\u00a0marginalisation or the political, economic, cultural, military and religious\u00a0conditions that explain these situations of oppression.<\/p>\n

Neither can we continue using modalities of curriculum treatment\u00a0sustained by hierarchical visions <\/i>of ‘superiority’ placing some cultures\u00a0above others. This is something seen in schools which emphasise the\u00a0deficits of oppressed people and cultures, portraying them, for example,\u00a0as very poor and incapable of getting ahead without us, their saviours\u00a0and redeemers. They are considered uncultured, ignorant and backward because the criteria used to measure them are always those which the\u00a0dominant and colonial groups impose. The dynamics of exploitation,\u00a0pillaging and colonisation to alter their lifestyles and values and so\u00a0facilitate their domination are not emphasised. In this form of curriculum\u00a0work, it is frequent to hear such words as ‘donation’, ‘sacrifice’ and\u00a0‘charity’ in relation to the people of the Third World, while others, such\u00a0as ‘justice’, ‘solidarity’ and ‘equality’ hardly appear.<\/p>\n

A democratic and non-exclusive education should not fragment\u00a0cultural content to reflect only the history, traditions, products and\u00a0voices of the hegemonic social groups with economic, political, social,\u00a0military and religious power or what is generally referred to as European\u00a0culture. On the contrary, an anti-marginal education must revise and\u00a0reconstruct the knowledge of each group and culture of the world.<\/p>\n

\"JonathanIt should not be forgotten that assimilationism has been the most\u00a0frequent educational strategy to solve questions of cultural diversity. It is\u00a0a strategy that continues to be employed even though it is now more\u00a0hidden. For example, when a core curriculum is legislated, as in the case\u00a0of Spain, the schools are forced to study the same cultural content, which\u00a0is a new form of neo-assimilationism. The core curriculum is not the\u00a0result of debate and consensus among all cultures and groups, but a\u00a0programme elaborated with hardly any discussion and imposed upon\u00a0citizens. A core curriculum arising from, and directed to, a democratic\u00a0and just society should be the consequence of public participation,\u00a0solidarity and commitment among the different communities and social\u00a0groups and the different alternatives proposed by them. Schools should\u00a0be forced to incorporate the history and experience of women, silent\u00a0nationalities, ethnic minorities and oppressed social groups. As Michael\u00a0Apple (1993, p. 62) emphasises, \u00aba ‘common culture’ can never be an\u00a0extension to everyone of what a minority mean and believe\u00bb.<\/p>\n

However, the official culture of the majority of Western\u00a0governments, through the promotion of the core curricula, only values\u00a0knowledge pertaining to the capabilities of the working-aged masculine\u00a0world. A glance at the textbooks permits us to observe numerous silent,\u00a0hidden perspectives and realities. In these textbooks, the disfiguration of\u00a0the working class is obvious. A manipulated ‘theory of consensus’ does\u00a0not depict the history, culture and reality of why working struggles were\u00a0indispensable to counteract exploitation (i.e. schedule excess hours and\u00a0abusive rhythms of work, low salaries, poor living conditions, absence of\u00a0participation in the management of the business, etc.) or how to\u00a0introduce changes in society, in the long march toward a more\u00a0democratic, equal and free society.<\/p>\n

In Spain there are also other inadmissible silences. One example is\u00a0that realistic data on the rural and fishing cultures can hardly be found,\u00a0which is somewhat ironic, keeping in mind that Spain is a country with\u00a0many kilometres of coast and a high percentage of people living in rural\u00a0areas. Other omissions include children, adolescents and senior citizens.\u00a0Therefore, young people do not know the significance of being young, a\u00a0senior citizen, or of the cultural peculiarities that they produce, contest\u00a0and resist (e.g. comic books, rock music, fashion, etc.). Also omitted as\u00a0specific foci of attention are: ethnic minorities without power, the\u00a0national culture, the Third World, the poor, the voices of homosexuals\u00a0and lesbians and mentally and\/or physically handicapped people.<\/p>\n

In general, it can be affirmed that the culture with which schools\u00a0work, is reduced to what is called ‘Western culture’ or more precisely,\u00a0‘Eurocentrism’. The history, tradition, products and lifestyles of such\u00a0large continents as Africa, Asia and Oceania are not considered other\u00a0than in a stereotypical form from the perspective of the power structure\u00a0of the more industrialised countries.<\/p>\n

Every anti-discrimination curricular project should provide\u00a0sufficient information for students to gain insights into the causes of\u00a0violence and marginalisation and, in this way, the implications of their\u00a0achievements in quality of life to the detriment of other more distant\u00a0peoples and cultures; and information that permits a glimpse of hope for\u00a0a better world. The history of humankind is filled with examples that\u00a0contribute to optimism, to victories over injustice, the conquest of\u00a0liberties. For this reason, it is important to emphasise and analyse the\u00a0social conquests that countries and social groups have achieved through\u00a0an appropriate analysis of the practices to confront forms of oppression\u00a0and domination.<\/p>\n

This attention to social collectives with silent and manipulated\u00a0voices does not mean simply adding more content to school programmes,\u00a0since they are presently overworked. Something that is typical in many\u00a0teaching and learning practices, such as the situation of women, the\u00a0history and present situation of gypsies, the hunger of the Third World,\u00a0unemployment, etc., are additions to textbook contents. These themes\u00a0are usually presented in an isolated form not clearly connected with the\u00a0rest of the course contents, nor are they explicitly evaluated or taken into\u00a0consideration in the final course evaluation.<\/p>\n

In order to treat these silent and marginal cultures appropriately, it\u00a0is necessary to redefine the present culture, taking into consideration the\u00a0silent voices of nations, collectives and social groups. This is a task that\u00a0surpasses the curriculum proposals of an additive character and one\u00a0which is normally limited to the social sciences, especially to history. All\u00a0areas of knowledge need to be revised and their contents updated to\u00a0incorporate these dimensions and absent voices. By adding these themes\u00a0to existing courses, rather than restructuring them, it frequently appears\u00a0as if new topics permit the continuation of conceptions of the hegemonic\u00a0social groups to maintain their situation of power and privilege in this\u00a0sociohistorical moment. This is especially true with dates, perspectives\u00a0and theories that cannot be easily silenced since the mass media put\u00a0them easily within reach of the majority of the people within society. One\u00a0example of this additive approach was the initiation of evolutions\u00a0theories in biology textbooks, evolution was only one lesson more. In this\u00a0lesson, Charles Darwin and his theory of evolution are explained in a\u00a0superfluous and anecdotal form. But in the rest of the lessons from the\u00a0same textbook, in all themes when evolutionism could compete with\u00a0creationism, creationism is continued as the exclusive perspective and\u00a0therefore, the only valid one. As a consequence, the theory of evolution is\u00a0reduced to anecdotal information, so as not to restructure the entire\u00a0vision of science in all of those questions having to do with this theory.<\/p>\n

Another example is the case of Eurocentrism of ‘chauvinistic\u00a0Westerners’ which affects such fields of knowledge as mathematics and\u00a0the physical and natural sciences where the hegemonic perspective is\u00a0catalogued as realms of objectivity, disinterest and neutrality. In this way,\u00a0it is concealed that inventions and discoveries considered as Western\u00a0achievements were actually those of the Chinese and some Arabic\u00a0countries, hundreds of years ago for, for example, in the field of\u00a0agriculture: the iron plough, the multitube seed drill; in the area of\u00a0astronomy and cartography: the recognition of sunspots as solar\u00a0phenomena, quantitative cartography, equatorial astronomical\u00a0instruments; in the field of engineering: cast iron, water power,\u00a0suspension bridges, the driving belt; in domestic and industrial\u00a0technology: petroleum, natural gas, paper, the magic lantern, porcelain,\u00a0the umbrella, chess, brandy and whisky, paper money; in the field of\u00a0medicine and health: the circulation of the blood, diabetes, immunology;\u00a0in the area of mathematics: the decimal system, negative numbers,\u00a0decimal fractions, using algebra in geometry; in magnetism: the first\u00a0compasses, magnetic remanence and induction; in the physical sciences:\u00a0seismography, spontaneous combustion and phosphorescent paint; in\u00a0the field of transportation and exploration: the kite, the parachute, the\u00a0rudder, masts and sailing; in sound and music: the large tuned bell, the\u00a0first understanding of musical timbre; in warfare: chemical warfare,\u00a0poison gas, smoke bombs and tear gas, the crossbow, gunpowder, guns,\u00a0cannons, mortars and repeating guns (Temple, 1987).<\/p>\n

A ‘silence of women’ was caused in a series of 26 episodes produced\u00a0by the British Broadcasting Company (BBC) in 1990 and 1991 entitled\u00a0They Made Our World. <\/i>It was an attempt to study the life and work of\u00a0those people who made significant contributions to the development of\u00a0the world. Altogether 28 individuals were selected, all of whom were men\u00a0born in Europe (no one in Spain) and the USA: Francis Bacon, Isaac\u00a0Newton, Joseph Priestley, Antoine-Laurent Lavoisier, Michael Faraday,\u00a0James C. Maxwell, Charles Lyell, Charles Darwin, Gregor Mendel, Edward\u00a0Jenner, Louis Pasteur, James Watt, George and Robert Stephenson,\u00a0Alexander Graham Bell, Wilbur and Orville Wright, Henry Ford, Wilhelm\u00a0Rontgen, Guglielmo Marconi, John L. Baird, Leo H. Baekeland, Albert\u00a0Einstein, Robert Oppenheimer, Alexander Fleming, Ernest Rutherford,\u00a0Alan Turing, and Thomas Edison (Reiss, 1993, pp. 18-19). The vision of\u00a0science with which students are in contact usually appears with\u00a0ahistorical tints, at the margin of social, political and cultural contexts. It\u00a0is hardly made clear that the people who do research are conditioned by\u00a0the context in which they live and in addition, by their own\u00a0preconceptions, prejudices and expectations. All fields of scientific\u00a0research are influenced by interests, values, suppositions and beliefs. A\u00a0knowledge of dimensions such as the gender of who is doing the\u00a0research, their religious beliefs, ethnic origin, values, political\u00a0commitments and the origin of financial support, is necessary to\u00a0understand the majority of the results and lines of research. Such female\u00a0researchers as Diane Fossey, by introducing her own experience as a\u00a0woman, revolutionised the study of animal behaviour when living with\u00a0gorillas in the volcanoes of Virunga, Rwanda. In this way, she was able to\u00a0revise the predominant explanation up until that time which gave the\u00a0passive role to the female in the reproduction of the species.\"Zapatistas\"<\/p>\n

No one can deny how the military interests of such countries as the\u00a0USA, United Kingdom, Germany, etc. conditioned the development of\u00a0science. As a result, we now have arms of destruction that can annihilate\u00a0the life of the entire planet. The sophistication of death machines has\u00a0reached limits unimaginable in science fiction. However, we still have not\u00a0resolved such problems as hunger, pollution of the planet, the origin and\u00a0treatment of numerous illnesses or the use of alternative forms of\u00a0non-contaminating energy.<\/p>\n

Narcissistic Eurocentrism is also visible in the field of the\u00a0humanities. The literature, poetry, painting and music of many Western\u00a0artists, such as, Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart, Giuseppe Verdi, Gustave\u00a0Flaubert, Victor Hugo, Antonin Artaud, Johann W. von Goethe, Isabelle\u00a0Eberhardt, Lord Byron, the Marchioness of Alorna, Henri Matisse, Eugene\u00a0Delacroix, Paul Klee, etc. are not entirely, comprehensible without taking\u00a0into account their oriental influence, an influence which is increasingly\u00a0observed in a significant number of Western artists.<\/p>\n

At the present time, there are around 300 million people who belong\u00a0to nearly 200 different ethnic groups who have their future threatened. In\u00a0commercialised curricular materials, these groups do not exist because\u00a0their reality is ignored or in some cases these themes are treated in a\u00a0circus-like manner. Frequently, the Third World is presented from two\u00a0perspectives: (a) as exotic sensual places with superstitious people, who\u00a0live in a happy savage state with few daily problems, specialise in magic\u00a0and folk medicine and are incapable of constructing scientific knowledge;\u00a0and (b) as scenarios of every class of warfare between ethnic groups as a\u00a0form of hidden discourse that defines these groups as primitive, without\u00a0evolution and therefore, with an innate preference for violence and war.\u00a0In general, it is Manichean constructed information, in which an\u00a0undervaluation of those people is assumed. A historical continuity never\u00a0appears to the readers in which all variables are considered in order to\u00a0understand the reason for their underdevelopment, poverty, violence and\u00a0options for massive emigration to the ‘first’ world countries. Perhaps, as\u00a0Alber Memmi (1971, p. 155) affirms, \u00abThe most serious lack that the\u00a0colonialized suffer is to find themselves out of history and society\u00bb‘.<\/i><\/p>\n

This racist treatment, in summary, is nothing more than a coherent\u00a0elaboration and organisation of information with racism typical of\u00a0Western culture from the nineteenth century. Since that time, the method\u00a0that has been proposed defends a \u00abform of biologization of social thinking\u00a0that makes absolute the different, converting it into a natural\u00a0characteristic\u00bb (Wieviorka, 1991, p. 84). In this manner, it is easier to\u00a0present what is a sociocultural construction as an innate characteristic of\u00a0inferiority, and is the most comfortable way to promote social, economic,\u00a0political and cultural exclusion.<\/p>\n

An education that follows the line of constructing a more\u00a0democratic and just society needs to reconstruct curriculum knowledge,\u00a0taking into account the points of view of those who belong to silent and\u00a0excluded cultures without power. It is urgent to redefine our entire\u00a0culture to avoid the deformations that created the dominant, Eurocentric,\u00a0masculine conceptions and the visions of the social groups with more\u00a0power. In each theme of study, it should be obligatory to take into\u00a0consideration the points of view of those who have something to say but\u00a0who, until this moment, have not had the opportunity. A similar model of\u00a0work, for instance, is that which was carried out by some schools and\u00a0intellectuals during 1992 to celebrate the five hundredth anniversary of\u00a0the ‘discovery of America’, according to the conception of history of\u00a0Spanish hegemonic groups. The objective of whoever decided to carry\u00a0out the work of decolonising history, was to reconstruct this historical\u00a0event, taking into consideration the voices and reality of those who\u00a0suffered the process of invasion and colonisation. It was not Christopher\u00a0Columbus who discovered the American continent, since numerous\u00a0Indian communities had lived there for thousands of years beforehand. It\u00a0was and is necessary to employ a better reconceptualisation from the\u00a0perspective of the silent ethnic groups by using the strategy of modifying\u00a0institutionalised stereotypes and erroneous conceptions about groups,\u00a0collectives, ethnic groups and nations. It is necessary to elaborate new\u00a0models, concepts and a new paradigm capable of promoting a more\u00a0democratic and just vision of reality, regaining the presence of those who\u00a0were and are eliminated from history. A similar task is to attempt to\u00a0reconstruct history, like women’s movements have been doing for some\u00a0time, in order to defend their place in history. It does not just mean\u00a0adding new themes, but reconstructing traditional themes while keeping\u00a0in mind absent perspectives.<\/p>\n

The research about some of these people, ethnic groups, women,\u00a0etc., is now becoming important, but we run the risk that this research\u00a0will remain in isolated and erudite studies which will only reach people\u00a0more sensitive toward these type of topics, and will not force a\u00a0reinterpretation of hegemonic discourse. Another risk is that these\u00a0studies may be converted into one textbook chapter or appendix without\u00a0changing textbook content as a whole. One example of this type of\u00a0‘additive’ approach is what happened with the introduction of the\u00a0evolutionist theories in Spanish textbooks. Given the impact of these\u00a0theories, the textbooks eventually incorporated the theories of evolution\u00a0as only one more topic, but did not re-elaborate the other themes in\u00a0accordance with the evolutionist theory, as mentioned above. There\u00a0appeared some reference to evolutionism, but normally it was reduced to\u00a0a short biography of Charles Darwin. However, in the rest of the book\u00a0creationist positions were promoted. Apparently, the new theory was\u00a0justified, but it did not change the hegemonic argument of the Roman\u00a0Catholic Church and in particular of the conservative groups that saw a\u00a0danger in losing key support for the ‘justification’ of their privileges and\u00a0positions of power.<\/p>\n

\"ReneThe support of creationist theories is usually based upon\u00a0explanations involving personal intelligence and other innate features. It\u00a0is worth remembering that the theory (ecclesiastic parable) of ‘innate\u00a0talents’, as promoted by fundamentalist positions of the Roman Catholic\u00a0Church, was used to guarantee all kinds of social, economic and political\u00a0stratifications. Even the biblical metaphor of creation (i.e. the creation of\u00a0Eve and therefore all women) facilitated arguments to justify male\u00a0dominance and female oppression. If scientific arguments stand in\u00a0contradiction to literal and conservative readings of religious texts, such\u00a0arguments are ignored. These readings tend to defend situations of\u00a0oppression and exclusion and postpone solving them until life after\u00a0death. When proponents of evolutionist theories appear within the\u00a0Catholic Church, (i.e. the French Jesuit Pierre Theilhard of Chardin), they\u00a0are silenced by Church censors.<\/p>\n

Along this line, it is necessary to remember that the students who\u00a0belong to the dominant ethnic group need to keep in mind that they are\u00a0members of this group. Not questioning the fact that they are themselves\u00a0an integral part of the ethnic group with more economic, political,\u00a0military and cultural power, will condition their construction of\u00a0knowledge. Only taking into consideration one’s own ethnicity, can one\u00a0view other ethnic groups as deficient. The ‘dishistorisation’ of the\u00a0construction of ethnic identities facilitates the reproduction of\u00a0conceptions and explanations of social behaviour as something innate.<\/p>\n

\u00abOnly racism permits one to consider as eternal, substantiving it, an\u00a0historical relation that began at some point in time in the past\u00bb, said\u00a0Memmi (1971, p. 132) trying to explain some characteristic or real or\u00a0imagined peculiarity, in support of the dominant or colonialist group. It is\u00a0necessary to remember that this way of thinking, behaving and speaking,\u00a0including the language itself, is also explained and legitimated by those\u00a0groups with sufficient power to impose them as universal norms. These\u00a0behaviours serve to facilitate the access and control of economic and\u00a0cultural resources and structures of power. It is necessary to construct\u00a0educational practices which teach students to unmask the political,\u00a0historical and semiotic dynamics that condition the interpretations,\u00a0expectations and possibilities to participate in reality. Apart from the\u00a0knowledge learned in schools, the students have previous concepts,\u00a0experiences, conceptions of life, expectations and prejudices which have\u00a0been learned in their families, neighbourhoods and especially through\u00a0the mass media. An anti-exclusive school is one in which all this passively\u00a0acquired previous knowledge is contrasted, using democratically\u00a0constructed and reconstructed criticism and taking account of the\u00a0perspectives of social class, gender, sexuality, ethnic group and\u00a0nationality.<\/p>\n

An anti-discrimination curriculum will facilitate the reconstruction\u00a0of the history and culture of silent groups and peoples. In order to do\u00a0this, it is essential that the students participate in debates about the\u00a0construction of knowledge, about the conflictive interpretations of the\u00a0present and, at the same time, force themselves to identify their own\u00a0positions, interests, ideologies and assumptions (Banks, 1993, p. 5).\u00a0Students should also learn to discern how knowledge is constructed,\u00a0disseminated and legitimated; in what way the selection, construction\u00a0and reconstruction of knowledge influences personal perspectives,\u00a0experiences, presumptions, prejudices, frames of reference and positions\u00a0of power; and how to revise the knowledge that surrounds each context.<\/p>\n

In knowledge formulation, the identity of the person that is\u00a0explaining, interpreting and acting over reality, is influenced by such\u00a0factors as one’s position of power, gender, sexual preference, class,\u00a0ethnic group and age. The identification of the positions of who\u00a0constructs knowledge has usually been put aside, which has served to\u00a0reproduce arguments with negative effects for women, people of the\u00a0Third World, minority groups without power, nations without states (i.e.\u00a0those people who claim a nationality not officially recognised as such by\u00a0the government of the country of which they are a part) and the working\u00a0class. Some of these dimensions are beginning to be taken into\u00a0consideration, thanks principally to the efficient coordination of the\u00a0vindications of people united in the defence of such perspectives – for\u00a0example, the feminist movements’ emphasis on how history is written\u00a0from a masculine position. Also, the movement of black people and other\u00a0such groups have insisted for some time that the partiality and bias of\u00a0the hegemonic culture is constructed from white people with power.\"Cry<\/p>\n

However, it is important to note that the additive form of work in\u00a0the schools was very positive because it permitted the criticism of the\u00a0reproductionist theories which failed to analyse the meaning of what was\u00a0occurring in the schools. It was not the Spanish Government that\u00a0stimulated the teachers to construct and incorporate topic work on such\u00a0themes in the classroom. On the contrary, if today the government talks\u00a0about diversity and cross-curriculum, it is due to the praxis <\/i>of many\u00a0teachers who have been successful in linking their classrooms with the\u00a0more urgent problems of society (wars, oppressed cultures,\u00a0unemployment, drugs, the problems of women, etc.). However, as\u00a0intellectual critics, we ought to focus on the detection of our own faults\u00a0and learn how to revise them. It is from this perspective that we often\u00a0introduce problematic societal questions in ‘tourist’ form with a certain\u00a0superficiality, something sporadic and out of context and with an excess\u00a0of optimism.<\/p>\n

Some people thought that it would be relatively easy for students\u00a0without a voice and whose culture was continually denied, to suddenly\u00a0regain their voice, analyse their own reality and perhaps, transform it.\u00a0This excess of optimism causes some teachers to blame themselves and\u00a0stop moving forward when their attempts fail. It is essential to\u00a0acknowledge that this task is not easy for many reasons and that\u00a0understanding is needed in order not to lose momentum. Those who feel\u00a0‘different’ are unappreciated by everyone, and they are very afraid when\u00a0suddenly asked to talk about their experiences and feelings. It is\u00a0important that they see that our interest in them is serious and that we\u00a0are not trying to discover their weak points in order to attack them.\u00a0Those who belong to ignored cultures and oppressed social groups\u00a0observe that the only way to enjoy the same privileges that the social\u00a0groups with power enjoy, is to deny themselves. This denial is described\u00a0by Frantz Fanon when, in relation to the people of colonised countries, he\u00a0writes: \u00abThe colonized person is envious and the colonist does not ignore\u00a0it when looking in the other direction, but on the contrary, is bitterly\u00a0checking and always alert, for he knows that ‘the colonized want to\u00a0occupy our position’. It is true that there is not a colonized person who\u00a0does not dream at least once a day of the time when he or she will change\u00a0position with the colonist\u00bb (Fanon, 1973, p. 34). Those who feel different\u00a0are converted into mute people by their resentments, fears and doubts.\u00a0Since it takes time for the members of such groups to gain confidence,\u00a0the best strategy to reconstruct and submit to critical analysis the\u00a0injustices and problems of these groups, is not through the dedication of\u00a0‘the day of…’.<\/p>\n

It is necessary that silent and oppressed cultures and the problems\u00a0of the working class are presented in such school resources as reference\u00a0books, novels and stories, newspapers, magazines, illustrations, videos,\u00a0games, decor, etc. As a result, there can arise points of view that\u00a0incorporate the reality of diversity, not only in the social sciences, but in\u00a0all areas of knowledge. This will gradually build students’ confidence in\u00a0the teachers and consequently lead to a better understanding of their\u00a0true intentions. At the same time, they must be able to see that teachers\u00a0are critical of their own advantages and see evidence of their solidarity\u00a0and empathy with them. If we admit that school and life must be\u00a0connected, as John Dewey said, it is obvious that our own sociopolitical\u00a0commitments need to be submitted to a critical revision in the school\u00a0with this aim: the detection of our own contradictions and an attempt to\u00a0overcome them.<\/p>\n

Every social group possesses a concrete knowledge of the reality in\u00a0which it participates, that is the fruit of social relations, social and\u00a0productive experiences and of the influences of the mass media. It is also\u00a0assumed that in this knowledge, doses of partiality and contradictions\u00a0can be detected and overcome to the extent that we participate in a\u00a0process where our participation, discussion and criticism are assured.\u00a0With such a philosophy, the manipulation or reification of knowledge\u00a0transmitted through textbooks can be counteracted. The establishment\u00a0of fixed compartments between academic knowledge (that which only\u00a0serves to pass examinations) and social knowledge (that which is used to\u00a0understand and solve daily problems) would be eliminated.<\/p>\n

Beforehand, however, it is necessary to face one of the principle\u00a0obstacles of the dichotomisation of knowledge or the form in which\u00a0information is presented to students. Facing reality in the school, by\u00a0means of presentations divided into subjects, facilitates the manipulation\u00a0of more conflictual realities. It does not help with understanding the\u00a0social situations and conflicts of the past or present. Reality appears like\u00a0the Tower of Babel, without the possibilities of being understood, due to\u00a0an inability to connect the different information with which it enters into\u00a0contact. Dislocations are produced with ease between the different fields\u00a0of knowledge. Communication is not stimulated and it is not possible for\u00a0a dialogue to take place between parts of knowledge even though they\u00a0have the same aspect of reality and history as their centre of study.\u00a0Useful knowledge and the quality of analysis about concrete realities\u00a0depend upon the possibility for dealing with entire issues, the\u00a0connections and interactions between parts and the resultant\u00a0consequences to the whole.<\/p>\n

For many years, an interdisciplinary and integrated form of\u00a0curriculum has been emphasised. However, the majority of students have\u00a0had to work with a knowledge impaired by a large division of subjects\u00a0without any visible connection between them, and on many occasions, a\u00a0similar division within the same subject. The fragmentation of knowledge,\u00a0typical of many schools, is the consequence of societal and political\u00a0fragmentation which has been alluded to before. Fragmenting knowledge\u00a0runs the risk of losing contact with reality; it does not favour a\u00a0‘sensitivity’ toward knowledge and its union with daily problems. The\u00a0result is something incoherent with a conception of the school as a living\u00a0space where students and teachers learn solidarity, to develop objectives\u00a0and strategies and to revise their teaching and learning processes.\u00a0Committing oneself to an emancipatory education means, to paraphrase\u00a0Cameron McCarthy (1990), a critical redefinition of school knowledge\u00a0from the heterogeneous perspective and identities to the disadvantaged\u00a0social groups; a process that goes further than the language of\u00a0‘inclusivity’ and puts the emphasis upon the relationships and the\u00a0plurality of voices as central strategies in the production of knowledge.<\/p>\n

\"HungIt is the mission of schools to help boys and girls understand how\u00a0knowledge is constructed. In order to accomplish this, the students need\u00a0to have opportunities to research and discover how specific conceptual\u00a0models, research strategies, perspectives and prejudices condition the\u00a0construction knowledge. They also need to explore how their own\u00a0conceptions and options can be biased and limited by their assumptions,\u00a0positions and experiences which can reinforce situations of oppression\u00a0and marginalisation.<\/p>\n

Education must contribute to the development of the students’\u00a0ability to make decisions, based upon reflection and dialogue; to\u00a0construct the skills needed to assure their social participation; to analyse\u00a0the political effects of their actions and to act as democratic, responsible,\u00a0critical and jointly liable people. The schools have to commit themselves\u00a0to the promotion of values, attitudes and behaviours that respect\u00a0pluralism and cultural diversity and that make compatible the\u00a0enrichment of cultural idiosyncrasies of every people and race while at\u00a0the same time, creating solidarity between them. There is, however, a\u00a0relation of ‘non-synchrony’ (McCarthy, 1990) in racial relations, gender,\u00a0class, nationality and sexuality in the school as well as in the other\u00a0spheres of society. Non-synchronisation is the result of the fact that the\u00a0people in schools are not uniform. It is normal to have important\u00a0differences in the interests, needs, desires and identities that divide the\u00a0different minority groups without power. Such groups do not share a\u00a0similar consciousness and perspective in their institutional relations. For\u00a0any of the dimensions that are chosen for analysis and praxis, be it race,\u00a0nationality, gender, sexuality or handicap, their intersection with the\u00a0dimension of social class is going to help us better understand and\u00a0propose anti-discrimination strategies. The linking of social class with\u00a0other dimensions is not an obstacle to the establishment of unity around\u00a0any of the other variables. We have to be conscious that contradictions\u00a0and non-synchronies are going to be produced in any of the modalities of\u00a0intervention and praxis. <\/i>As Cameron McCarthy explains (1990, p. 95),\u00a0\u00abdifferent race-class-gender groups not only have qualitatively different\u00a0experiences in schools, but actually exist in constitutive tension, often\u00a0engage in active competition with each other, receive different forms of\u00a0rewards, sanctions and evaluation, and are ultimately structured into\u00a0differential futures\u00bb.<\/p>\n

A truly democratic society must facilitate the dismantlement,\u00a0denouncement and elimination of those forms of oppression, as well as\u00a0prejudices and unjust conceptions. Such a society recognises cultural,\u00a0linguistic and cultural plurality without converting them into forms of\u00a0discrimination. The philosophy of equal opportunities for all children\u00a0does not only refer to sitting at a school desk and forgetting about the\u00a0important inequalities in access to a worthy job, a home, a culture, health\u00a0care and satisfactory living conditions. Neither can the schools be\u00a0considered neutral arenas. The teaching staff, resources, school tasks,\u00a0modalities of organisation and strategies of evaluation can not be\u00a0considered neutral, if the students do not learn to understand clearly the\u00a0origins of social, economic and political inequalities of society and the\u00a0world in which we live.<\/p>\n

An anti-discriminatory education has to recognise the errors of the\u00a0past and unveil the way in which the educational system has been one of\u00a0the focal points of the politics of assimilation by creating monocultures.\u00a0To be conscious of the forms in which the schools are doing these tasks\u00a0is one of the first steps to overcoming this politics of partiality and\u00a0domination. However, it is essential to be conscious of a series of\u00a0obstacles in order to overcome them:<\/p>\n

(a) The culture of individualism dominates our society and impregnates our\u00a0<\/i>educational work. It is difficult to construct and work in teams.<\/i><\/p>\n

(b) The culture of excellence and competition promoted in our educational\u00a0<\/i>system will be further reinforced by the Administration’s evaluation plan to\u00a0<\/i>be implemented by the ‘Instituto Nacional de Calidad y Evaluacion’, as\u00a0<\/i>announced in LOGSE (An educational reform law recently passed by the\u00a0<\/i>Spanish Government General Organic Law of the Educational System). <\/i>One\u00a0danger of governmental intervention is that it tries to control the educational system to such an extent that it results in a higher level of\u00a0centralisation and the teachers and students are left without any\u00a0decision-making authority. The implementation of an interventionist\u00a0policy, through a centralised evaluation of the educational system, will\u00a0probably produce more homogenised curriculum contents and practices,\u00a0while at the same time producing a greater level of teacher\u00a0deprofessionalisation.<\/p>\n

The promotion of scholastic institution evaluations through\u00a0homogeneous examinations to test the level of compliance with the\u00a0obligatory contents of the educational system, can result in the end of\u00a0school autonomy. At the same time, a similar praxis <\/i>of control can\u00a0indirectly produce a standardisation of textbook contents and curriculum\u00a0resources. This is something that goes against a curriculum policy that\u00a0respects diversity. Administrative interventions and controls such as\u00a0these serve only to benefit the large publishers that control the textbook\u00a0market and that tend to include the same cultural contents, with the\u00a0same type of information, from the same point of view. The curriculum\u00a0materials end up having an exclusive objective: that the students pass\u00a0official examinations imposed by the national government. It is also\u00a0important not to forget that the modalities of evaluation have a direct\u00a0influence upon teaching practices and resources used in the classroom.<\/p>\n

(c) The distorted vision of reality that the textbooks transport and the few\u00a0<\/i>sources of information to which the students have access in the schools. <\/i>The\u00a0textbook, like the Trojan horse, is one of the most efficient ways for the\u00a0hegemonic groups to perpetuate their conceptions of the world. In these\u00a0curriculum materials, like the rest of the mass media, \u00abthe area of\u00a0symbolic production is not divorced from the unequal relations of power\u00a0that structure other spheres\u00bb (Apple, 1993, p. 58). However, this too can\u00a0be used to dismantle deformed visions and to silence distorted\u00a0information. If used by committed and critical teachers, such materials\u00a0can be a resource to learn to detect distorted arguments and typical\u00a0forms of reasoning used in the manipulation of information. This has\u00a0become even more urgent with the resurgence of authoritarian and\u00a0neofascist forms, however tinted they may be with populism. When\u00a0conservative governments and entrepreneurs work together with more\u00a0coordination, democratic practices tend to be reduced to voting from\u00a0time to time with the expectation that it is impossible to better and\u00a0correct the defects of society. There have been only a few times in\u00a0history when it was as urgent as it is in the present, to regain the typical\u00a0Utopias of the political left.\"Rafael<\/p>\n

(d) The difficulties of introducing and working with the mass media in\u00a0<\/i>classrooms and schools. <\/i>The mass media has been converted into one of\u00a0the most significant instruments of manipulation. Social groups with\u00a0power invest large quantities of money to control the mass media and\u00a0other spheres of representation in order to reinforce and reconstruct\u00a0racial, class and gender meaning in support of their political and\u00a0economic interests. In the classroom, we are forced to analyse critically\u00a0and deconstruct the popular knowledge produced by the different\u00a0television and radio channels and in general by the cultural industries.\u00a0This implies reviewing the texts and images about the cultures and\u00a0traditions of the community upon which the students base the\u00a0reconstruction of their individual and collective identities. According to\u00a0Noam Chomsky (1993, p. 31), the schools need to provide students with\u00a0\u00abmechanisms of intellectual self defense\u00bb in order to be able to defend\u00a0themselves from the manipulation of information to which they are\u00a0submitted by the mass media and institutions with strong political and\u00a0economical interests.<\/p>\n

(e) The lack of resources for teacher education in these areas. <\/i>The\u00a0governmental administration of education is not interested in teacher\u00a0education and intervention.<\/p>\n

(f)\u00a0The difficulty teachers have in sharing materials, support staff, antiracist,\u00a0<\/i>anti-sexist and anti<lassist experiences due to the dispersion and lack of\u00a0<\/i>coordination of those working in this line of action and commitment. <\/i>It is\u00a0essential to bring up to date and re-arm teachers. As teachers, we need to\u00a0regain moral courage and critical capacity in light of the excessive weight\u00a0and new attacks of conservative and neo-conservative politics. We need\u00a0to make an effort to see with clarity the interconnections between\u00a0educational problems and questions and more global political, economic\u00a0and cultural processes.<\/p>\n

In addition to overcoming the ethnocentrism, racism, gender and class\u00a0discrimination that prevail in the majority of schools, education against\u00a0discrimination supposes an intervention in other social realms where the\u00a0different modalities of discrimination are forged and consolidated: in the\u00a0workplace, the mass media, labour, cultural and sanitary policies, etc.\u00a0The committed teacher must work with and not for the socially\u00a0disadvantaged collectives (McCarthy, 1990, p. 122). Teachers also need to\u00a0be committed to the problems of oppressed women and to participate in\u00a0workers’ organisations because facing inequalities in education implies\u00a0intervention in the other social, economic and political realms where\u00a0discrimination is also forged.<\/p>\n

In summary, it is necessary to regain a political language for\u00a0education and coordinate our work within broader strategies in order to\u00a0transform society. This implies coordinating forces with other social\u00a0movements away from the walls of the schools. There are urgent\u00a0common problems which must be grouped together. The fragmentation\u00a0of our fights around small ghettos and private problems affecting only\u00a0few people are inadequate models of analysis. As citizens of a democracy,\u00a0we are forced to commit ourselves to define social problems and\u00a0formulate multiple proposals to solve them. This is indeed a task which\u00a0requires a certain amount of Utopianism. The possibility of imagining new\u00a0futures is an indispensable condition in order to transform existing\u00a0situations of discrimination.<\/p>\n

References<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Apple, M. W. (1993). Official Knowledge, Democratic Education in a Conservative\u00a0<\/i>Age. <\/i>New York: Routledge.<\/p>\n

Banks, J. A. (1993). The canon debate, knowledge construction, and multicultural\u00a0education, Educational Researcher, <\/i>22, pp. 4-14.<\/p>\n

Benedict, R. (1983). Race and Racism. <\/i>London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.<\/p>\n

Chomsky, N. (1993). Cr\u00f3nicas de la discrepancia. (Entrevistas de David Barsamian).\u00a0<\/i>Madrid: Visor.<\/p>\n

Fanon, F. (1973). Los condenados de la tierra. <\/i>Mexico: Fondo de Cultura Econ6mica,\u00a04th edn.<\/p>\n

Finkielkraut, A. (1992). El Pa\u00eds, <\/i>24 de Abril. Suplemento Babelia, pp. 11-12.<\/p>\n

Hall, S. (1992). Race, culture, and communications: looking backward and forward\u00a0at cultural studies, Rethinking Marxism, <\/i>5, pp. 10-18.<\/p>\n

McCarthy, C. (1990). Race and Curriculum, Social inequality and the theories and\u00a0<\/i>politics of difference in contemporary research on schooling. <\/i>London: Falmer\u00a0Press (Spanish translation in press by Ediciones Morata: Racismo y curr\u00edculum<\/em>).<\/p>\n

Memmi, A. (1971). Retrato del colonizado. <\/i>Madrid: Cuadernos para el Di\u00e1logo.<\/p>\n

Reiss, M. J. (1993). Science Education for a Pluralist Society. <\/i>Buckingham: Open\u00a0University Press.<\/p>\n

Temple, R. (1987). The Genius of China: 3000 years of science, discovery, and\u00a0<\/i>invention. <\/i>New York: Simon & Schuster.<\/p>\n

Torres Santom\u00e9, J. (1991a). El curriculum oculto. <\/i>Madrid: Morata.<\/p>\n

Torres Santom\u00e9, J. (1991b). La Reforma educativa y la psicologizacion de los\u00a0problemas sociales in VV. AA. Sociedad, Cultura y Educaci\u00f3n. <\/i>Homenaje a la\u00a0memoria de Carlos Lerena Ales\u00f3n, pp. 481-503. Madrid: C1DE and Universidad\u00a0Complutense de Madrid.<\/p>\n

Torres Santome, J. (1993). La culturas negadas y silenciadas en el curriculum,\u00a0Cuadernos de Pedagog\u00eda, <\/i>217, pp. 60-66.<\/p>\n

Wieviorka, M. (1992). El Espacio del Racismo. <\/i>Barcelona: Paid\u00f3s.<\/p>\n

\"Tessa<\/p>\n

.)<\/span><\/h3>\n

Tessa Guze – Walking Home<\/em> (2011)<\/h3>\n

.<\/span><\/p>\n

.<\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

The Presence of Different Cultures in Schools: Possibilities of Dialogue and Action     Jurjo Torres Santom\u00e9 . Pedagogy, Culture & Society. Vol.\u00a04, n\u00ba. 1 (1996), pp. 25 – 41   . ABSTRACT. This article reflects on schools as spaces for the reconstruction\u00a0of reality. If the school is an important part of the strategy to […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[6],"tags":[170,142,158,63,169],"class_list":["post-4406","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-educacion","tag-cultura-y-educacion","tag-educacion-multicultural","tag-ideologia-y-curriculum","tag-neoliberalismo-y-educacion","tag-voces-silenciadas-y-curriculum-escolar"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/jurjotorres.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4406","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/jurjotorres.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/jurjotorres.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/jurjotorres.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/jurjotorres.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=4406"}],"version-history":[{"count":10,"href":"https:\/\/jurjotorres.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4406\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":4481,"href":"https:\/\/jurjotorres.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4406\/revisions\/4481"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/jurjotorres.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=4406"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/jurjotorres.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=4406"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/jurjotorres.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=4406"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}